ေအာင္ျမတ္သူရဲ႕ စာ နိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္

ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ တို. ေျခပူးပြဲ၊ သူတို.ကို သစၥာပန္းစီးျကီး နဲ. ၀ိုင္းရုိက္ ၀ိုင္းေပါက္ျကပါ၊

by Aung Myat Thu on Friday, August 24, 2012 at 5:48am ·

ဖဘ ေပၚက မိတ္ေဆြေတြ၊ရပ္ျကည္.ေလ.လာသူေတြ၊ အားလံုးကိုတခုေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။
အတိုက္အခံေလာကမွာ ေငြေရးေၾကးေရးအရျဖစ္ေစ၊နိုင္ငံေရးရပ္တည္ခ်က္အရျဖစ္ေစ သံုးခြင္ရုိက္  သံုးခြင္လွည္.စားမဲ.သူအခ်ိဳ.  ျပည္တြင္းျပန္၀င္လာပါေတာ.မယ္။ အမည္အားျဖင္. ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္း ေအာင္္ေက်ာ္ တို.ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတို.ကို တခ်က္မွ အလစ္မေပးၾကပါနဲ.။ နိုင္ေအာင္ မိုးသီးမွားခဲ.သမွ်ေတြ ကိုအတြင္းသိေတြက ျငိမ္ျပီးေနမွာမဟုတ္သလို၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ စုတ္ပဲ. ကလိန္က်ပံုေတြကိုလည္း ဖြင္.ခ်ေတာ.မဲ.သူေတြ က ထိုင္ေစာင္.ေနၾကပါတယ္။

ဒီန.မနက္ပဲ ျပည္တြင္းက အတြင္းလူတေယာက္စီက ၾကားသိရပါတယ္။ အတြင္း က ၈၈၈၈ ေတြစီမွာ သူတို.ဦးေအာင္သြားျပီး ရွဳတ္ၾကမဲ. အစီအစဥ္ေတြအမ်ားၾကီးပါေနသတဲ.။ အမွန္က ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္က မိုးသီး နဲ.ကပ္ျပီး လိုက္သြားတာပါ။ မိုးသီး နဲ. ကပ္လိုက္ဖို.  ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ကိစၥမွာ လေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ လက္ ေရွာင္ ေနရရုံသာမက၊ ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ အၾကိဳက္ေတာင္ သူကခပ္ခ်ာခ်ာ  ေဆာင္းပါးတပုဒ္  ေရးျပီး ဆင္ေျခေပးေနပါေသးတယ္။ (အားလံုးကိုမဆိုလိုေသာ္လည္း) အတြင္းစည္းထဲမွာ  လက္ေရွာင္ေနတဲ.သူေတြ၊ပတ္ ေျပးေနတဲ.သူေတြ၊  မရုိးးသားတဲ.သူေတြရွိေနတဲ.အတြက္၊ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ေနေစတဲ. အျမံုေတြြကို အမွဳမွန္ေပၚထြက္ေရးမွာအားမလိုအားမရျဖစ္ေန ၾကတဲ.  အခ်ိဳ.လူေတြက ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ေနၾကတယ္။ သို.ေသာ္ ကိုထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဆာင္းပါး က အမွဳေပ်ာက္သြားမွာစိုးရိမ္လို. ေမးခြန္းထုတ္တဲ.သူေတြ ကို တဖန္ျပန္ျပီး တိုက္ခိုက္ထားတဲ.အတြက္  ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ အၿကိဳက္ ေရးေပးလိုက္မွန္းသိပ္သိသာပါတယ္။ သူတို.ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ ေနပါတယ္လို. (မေအာင္ျမင္တဲ.) အဆိုကိုတင္သြင္းပါတယ္။ အမွန္က ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ကသာ အဲဒီ.ေဆာင္းပါးနဲ. ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊မိုးသီးတို.ကို ေက်နပ္ေစခဲ.တာျဖစ္တယ္။ ေျခနွစ္ေခ်ာင္း ပူးျပီးသား နိုင္ေအာင္ နဲ. မိုးသီးဂိုဏ္းမွာ ေနာက္ေျခတခ်ာင္းထပ္၀င္ပူးဖို. ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္က ဟို ၂ေယာက္ အတြက္ တိုက္ရုိက္အက်ိဳးျပဳခဲ.တာျဖစ္တယ္။ အမွုကိုေႏွးေစတဲ.သူေတြ အတြက္ ေစတနာလိုိလုိ၊ စစ္ကူလိုလိုျဖစ္ဟန္ရွိေပမဲ.၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္က သူ.အတြက္သက္သက္သာ သူတပါးေတြကို အသံုးခ်သြားတာျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒါကိုပရိတ္သတ္ကသိျပီးသားျဖစ္ေပမဲ.၊ ေရခ်ိန္ျမင္.တဲ.ပရိႆတ္က ဆက္ၿကည္.ေနၾကပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ အီးေမးထဲကို သူတို. လက္မွတ္ေတြပါတဲ. ေတာင္းစားထားတဲ.သူတို.သမိုင္းရဲ. သက္ေသခံအခ်ိဳ.လဲ၀င္လာပါတယ္။ (ျမန္မာျပည္ ကလွမ္းပို.ေပးတဲ. သူတေယာက္ကို အထူး ေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္းေျပာပါရေစ)ေအဘီ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းလူသတ္ပြဲအမွဳမွန္ေပၚေပါက္ေရး အခ်ိဳ.အဆင္.ေတြမွာ သြးရဳိးသားရုိး မရွိတဲ. အခ်က္ေတြေတြ.ေနရပါတယ္။ သို.ေသာ္ ဤကိစၥနဲ.စပ္လ်င္း၍ မနွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာက စလို.၊ ဒီႏွစ္ ဂ်န္္န၀ါရီက ေန ဧျပီေလာက္အထိ နိုင္ေအာင္ မိုးသီးဆန္.က်င္ေရးလုပ္ေနတဲ. ေျမြေပြးထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ၾကီး က ခုေတာ. သူကပဲ လူၾကီးတေယာက္ လို ၾကား၀င္ျဖန္ေျဖတဲ.ပံုစံလုပ္ေနျပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ဆရာၾကီး၀င္လုပ္ေလေတာ.၊ ပါးနပ္လိမ္မာတဲ.သူေတြအမ်ားစုက ဘယ္သူေတြအတြက္  ေလာ္ဘီလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ အားလံုးလိုလို ခ်က္ဆိုနားကြက္က မီးေတာက္ သလို ခ်က္ခ်င္းသိၾကတယ္။ (ဟုတ္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ာ၊ လူအနည္းငယ္ကပဲ ထူေနတာပါ၊ ထူခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ေနတာလဲျဖစ္နိုင္ပါတယ္)

ဒီလို အသံထြက္ဖို. သူ က လုပ္ေပးရမယ္ေလ။ သူမ်ားလမ္းစရိတ္ယူ၊ သူမ်ားေက်ြးတာစား၊သူမ်ား က သူ.ကို အသံုးခ်၊ သူ ကျပန္ျပီးလူၾကီးတန္မဲ. သူမ်ားကို မညွာမတာ အသံုးခ်၊ ဒီေလာက္ပါပဲ။ က်ေနာ္ထပ္ေျပာတယ္။ လူေတြကိုသူတို. မညွာမတာ အသံုးခ်ထားတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ. နိုင္ေအာင္၊မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ ခုမွ  သံုးပင္ ပူးရုိက္စားေနတာ ကို သိေနတဲ.သူေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး  က်န္ေနပါေသးတယ္။ နိုင္ေအာင္ နဲ.မိုးသီး က ေက်ာခ်င္းကပ္ထားတာေတာ္ေတာ္ၾကာေနျပီ။ ဒီေတာ. ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ ခု-လို သြားပူးရတဲ. ေနရာမွာ ပိုေအာက္က်ရတယ္ေျပာရမွာေပါ.။ သူ. နံမယ္ပါလာလို. မဲေဆာက္မွာ ေတာင္းစားဧကရီ တို. အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းမွာေတာင္ အတြင္းဂိုဏ္း အစည္းအေ၀းေတြ လုပ္ရေသးသတဲ.။ ဒါေပမဲ. ေရမ်ားေရနိုင္မီးမ်ားမီးနိုင္ဆိုသလို
ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကိစၥမွာ တာ၀န္ခံရမဲ. ေအဘီက လူ ၂ေယာက္ ျဖစ္တဲ. ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ နဲ.မိုးသီး ရဲ.သေဘာအတိုင္းသာ ခု ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္က လုပ္ေပးေနတာပါ။

၁-ဘင္ဂါလီ အေရးဒို.အေရး
၂-ေအဘီ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ကိစၥ အမွဳ မွန္ မေပၚေရး ဒို.အေရး
၃- ရတဲ.နည္းနဲ. ေနရာ ပါ၀ါ ဂြင္ဖမ္းေရး ဒို.အေရး၊ ဒီ အေရး သံုးပါးနဲ. သူတို. လက္တြဲေနၾကပါျပီ။

သူမ်ားေပးတဲ.လမ္းစားရိတ္နဲ. ခရီးေတြထြက္၊ ၀ိုင္းလိမ္ ၀ိုင္းညာ၊ ခုေတာ. ဒီလို အက်င္.တူခ်င္းစုရုံးျပီးူ ဂြင္ဖမ္းဖို.၊ ဘင္ဂါလီ ကိုယ္စာလွယ္လုပ္ဖို.၊ အန္ဂ်ီအိုေတြနဲ.ေပါင္းရုိက္စားဖို.၊  ျပည္တြင္း ကို သူတို.ျပန္လာေတာ.မယ္။
ျပည္တြင္းကအခ်ိဳ.ေသာသူမ်ားကိုလည္းသတိေပးလိုပါတယ္။

အတြင္းက ျဖဴစင္တဲ.၈၈၈၈ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအတြက္ သတင္းစကား။

ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္က ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ မိန္းမ ပို.တဲ. ေငြ နဲ. အခ်ိဳ.က ရပ္တည္ဖို.ၾကိဳးစားတာကို ကန္.ကြက္ပါတယ္။ ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ အဖြဲ.က ခြန္. ထားပို.ထားတဲ. ေငြက အလကားမဟုတ္ဘူး။

ခင္ဗ်ားတို. က်ေနာ္တို.ရဲ. ေတာ္္လွန္ေရးေမာင္ႏွမေတြကို ၀ါးတဲထဲက ဒုတ္ဒါး ေသနတ္ပ်က္ အာဏာနဲ. လည္လွီးခဲ.  မုဒိန္းက်င့္ခဲ.၊ ေငြေျကးပိုင္းမွာလည္း သူတို.စိတ္တိုင္းက် ၾကိဳက္သလိုျခစားအက်င္.ပ်က္ခဲ.ျပီး မွ ၊ဒါေတြကို ဂုိဏ္းဖြဲျပီးေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ျကီးလုပ္ေနတဲ.သူေတြ နွစ္ ၂၃နွစ္ အၾကာမွာ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေခါင္းစီးတပ္ျပီး ဆက္လိမ္ၾကေတာ.မွာမို. ပထမအဆင္.အေနနဲ. ရင္းထားတဲ. ျကမ္းခင္းေစ်းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလို ေငြေပးျပီးစည္းရုံတာဟာ ဘာသေဘာလည္းဆိုရင္  သူတို. မွားခ်င္တိုင္းမွားလို.ရတယ္၊ အက်င္.ပ်က္ခ်င္တိုင္းပ်က္လို.ရတယ္ ဆိုတဲ. အေတြးအေခၚကို ခင္ဗ်ားတို. ကို  (ေငြေပးျပီး) နားလွည္.ပါးရုိက္ျပီး အတင္းလက္ခံခိုင္းတာျဖစ္တယ္။ အျပစ္မရွိတဲ.ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူေတြကို စိတ္တိုင္းက်ေစာ္ကားခဲ.တဲ. ဒီေကာင္ေတြဟာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို. ျဖဴစင္မွဳကို မေက်ာ္နိုင္လို. ခု အတင္း၀င္လံုးေနၾကတယ္ဆိုတာ ခငိဗ်ားတို. မေမ.လိုက္ပါနဲ.။လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက တိုင္းျပည္ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ.သူေတြ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကို တတိုင္းျပည္လံုးက ေအာ.ႏွလံုးနာသလို၊ ဒီဖက္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးျကီးတခုလံုးကို ဒီ လူသတ္သမားတစုက ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေယာင္ေဆာင္ျပီး ေမာင္ပိုင္စီး ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ.တာေတြကိုလည္း က်ေနာ္တို. ေက်ာင္းသားအမ်ားစုက အသည္းနာလွပါတယ္။

ခု နဲနဲဲ ေလး လွဳပ္လို.ရမယ္ပဲရွိေသး၊ ျပည္ပက ဒီမိုသူေတာင္းစားေတြ၊ လူသတ္သမားေတြက . အရွက္မရွိ  ဟိုပင္ဒီပင္ကူး၊ အေပးအယူလုပ္ေနတာေတြျမင္ရပါတယ္။ သံုးပင္လိမ္ျဖစ္သြားျပီျဖစ္တဲ.  ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ တို.အတြင္းမွာ ေျခရွဳတ္ ေျခထိုးေတြ အဆင္.က ခု ေျခပူးကာလလို.ေခၚလို.ရသြားျပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေျခပူးတာမွ စနစ္တက် ၊ဘင္ဂါလီ အေရးက ရတဲ. ေငြေတြနဲ.၊ သြားနိုင္လာနိုင္တြင္က်ယ္ေနျကျပီျဖစ္တဲ.အတြက္ ၊ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးအတြက္ အေရာင္းဆိုးျကတာေတြကိုလည္းဆက္တိုက္ေတြ.လာရပါတယ္။ သူတို.ဟာ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ ဆိုးက်ိဳးသာ ဖန္တီးေပးနိုင္ဲကတာမို. ခင္ဗ်ားတို.အားလံုးကို သတိၾကီးစြာထားဖို. မွာ ပါရေစ။(ဘင္ဂါလီကိစၥသူတို.စနက္ေတြပါတယ္)

ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ ဆို အသက္ကေတာ္ေတာ္ၾကီးေနေပမဲ.ပါးစပ္က စည္းကမ္းမရွိ၊ ခုထိ ဂဏွာမျငိမ္၊ ခုတေလာ ေဒါက္တာ နိုင္ေအာင္နဲ. မိုးသီး အလို က် (သူမ်ားေပးတဲ.စားရိတ္နဲ. ထိုင္း ကို တေခါက္သြားအျပီးမွာ) သူ.ကိုျပန္သံုးခဲ.တဲ. နိုင္ေအာင္ မိုးသီး ဆရာေလး ၂ေယာက္ကို ဘာ ကတိေပးခဲ.လဲ။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို. သူ. ကို ရုိက္စစ္ရဲလား။ ခု သူ. ေ၀ါလ္ ေပၚမွာ ဘင္ဂါလီ အေျချပဳသတင္းေတြစတင္ေနျပီ။ ဒါက္တာ နိုင္ေအာင္ နဲ. သူ.မိန္းမကို သူတို. ဆရာျကီး ေဇာ္ဦးက အီးေမးနဲ. ဆက္ ညႊန္ျကားေနတယ္။ အျပင္က အန္ဂ်ီအို ေငြ၊ ေဆာ္ဒီ စီက ေလာ္ဘီ လပ္ထိုးေငြ၊ အစိုးရသစ္ရဲ.မ်က္ႏွာသာေပးမွု ဒီ ၃ ခု- တခ်က္ခုတ္ ၃ ခ်က္ ရဖို. အတြက္  ခု ၀င္ မဲ. အမ်ိဳးယုတ္ေတြစီမွာလည္း အျပင္ က မိဒီယာေတြရဲ. အသံအတိုင္းပဲ ပရုိရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လုပ္ရပါမယ္။ ကိုယ္ က်င္.တရားမေကာင္းပဲ ႏွစ္ပဲတျပားနဲ.ေတာင္ မိမိကိုမိမိ လဲရဲေလတဲ.  အသက္အျကီးဆံုး ေခါင္းေရွာင္ၾကီးကလဲ-ပူးေပါင္းဆက္လိမ္ပါလိမ္.မယ္။  သူတို. လုပ္မဲ. အလုပ္ေတြက------

၁- ရဳိဟင္ဂ်ာကိစၥ ကို လူ.အခြင္.အေရး၊ ကုလားေတြဆနၵသာ အမွန္လို. မသိမသာက သိသိသာသာ ေပၚတင္ျကီး  တင္လာမယ္။ ၂- ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကိစၥမွာ လက္ေရွာင္ရုံသာမက လူသတ္သမားေတြကို တကယ္ ေဖၚထုတ္ရဲတဲ.သူေတြကို သူက စ ျပီး ကုလားဖန္ထိုးမယ္။ ေျခရွဳတ္မယ္။ ၀င္ျဖန္ေျဖသလိုလိုလုပ္ျပီး ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္ အလိုက် မိုးသီး အလိုက် လိုက္ေျပာေပးမယ္။ အဆင္.နိမ္.ေျခထိုးမွဳေတြ ေပၚလာျကလိမ္.မယ္။
၃-ခုတိုင္းျပည္ဖ်က္ထားတဲ. အပြင္.ၾကီးေတြ အလိုက် အန္ဂ်ီအိုေတြေခၚလာမယ္။ ျပီးရင္ ကုလားအက်ိဳးဆက္လုပ္ျကမယ္။  တဖက္မွာလည္း ပြင္.လင္းအဖြဲ.အစည္းေတြမ်ားလာဖို.အာမခံေပးနိုင္သလိုလို ေလျကီးေလက်ယ္ေျပာျပီး-တဖက္ကစစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြ အလိုက်သာ ျပႆနာဇစ္ျမစ္က ေရွာင္ထြက္သြားျကလိမ္.မယ္။

ကို ေအာင္မိုး၀င္းေဆာင္းပါးေတြမွာ ပါခဲ.သလို  စစ္အစိုးရ ကိုေတာင္းပန္ျပီး ေသေလာက္ေအာင္ျပန္ခ်င္ေနတဲ.ဒီလူေတြက  သူတို.က်ြမ္း၀င္ယဥ္ပါးခဲ.တဲ. နိုင္ငံေရးလူမွဳေရးအက်င္.ပ်က္ေတြနဲ.သာ ေရွ.သို. ခရီးဆက္မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အက်င္ပ်က္ေတြမွဳကို ေခတ္သစ္မွာ စနစ္တက် တြန္းလွန္ျကမယ္လို. စိတ္ပိုင္းျဖတ္ထားျပီးတဲ.အမ်ားစုအတြက္ေတာ. တကဲ. အႏၱရာယ္ေတြပါပဲ။  ၿမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ျပင္ပ နယ္ျခား မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ႏိုင္ငံေရးၿပႆနာေတြအားလံုး ကို ဘယ္တုန္းကမွ အဆင္.အတန္းရွိရွိ မရွင္းနိုင္တဲ. အဆိုးဆံုး လူ၃ ေယာက္ကိုျပပါဆိုရင္ သူတို. ၃ေယာက္ပါပဲ။ ေလဘာေမာင္ေမာင္၊ ေဇာ္ဦး၊ ဘင္ဂါလီ ပြဲစား ၀ါကာအူဒင္နဲ. ဟန္ေယာင္ေငြတို.က သူတို.ကို ေနာက္ကြယ္ကျကိဳးကိုင္ထားပါတယ္။ သမၼတရုံးရဲ. စတိတ္မန္.ကိုျကည္.ရင္ သိနိုင္ပါတယ္။  ခုသူတို.တြဲမိေနၾကပါျပီ။

သူတို. ညစ္ညမ္းမွဳေတြ ကို ေဆြးေႏြးၿငင္းခုန္ႀကရမဲ. အဆင္.ထက္ ပိုျပီး က်ေနာ္တို. သည္းခံခဲ.ပါတယ္။ စပ္ကူးမတ္ကူးကာလေတြမွာ စစ္တပ္ေနာက္ခံျပဳထားတဲ. အာဏာရ အစိုးရ နဲ. ပင္မ အတိုက္အခံအုပ္စုေတြၾကားမွာ ဒါမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေနၾကတာထံုးစံပဲဆိုျပီး ဘယ္သူမွေပါ.ေပါ.မေနၾကပါနဲ.။ ၂၀၁၂ နွစ္္ဆန္းကစျပီး အဆင္.မရွိတဲ. လူညစ္လူယုတ္ေတြရဲ. အာေဘာ္ေတြ သိသိသာသာ ေျပာင္းလာၾကျပီး မျပီးေသးတဲ. ကုလားအေရး၊ မျပီးေသးတဲ. ေအဘီေျမာက္ပိုင္း စခန္းလူသတ္မွဳေတြ မွာ သူတို.စကားလံုး ေျပာင္းသြား၊ ဖဲသံုးခ်ပ္သမား ကစားသလိုလုပ္သြားတာ ကို  လူအားလံုးလဲ က်ေနာ္.လိုပဲ အခက္အခဲမရွိ သံုးသပ္ ျပီးသားေနမွာပါ။  အျပင္ကမီဒိယာေတြ အကူအညီနဲ.သူတို.ေတြ ဘာေၾကာင္. ဖဲလိမ္ရုိက္ခဲ.သလဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင္. ဂြင္၊စားက်က္ေျပာင္းခဲ.သလဲ။ က်ေနာ္.ထက္ပိုျပီး သူတို.စရုိက္ညစ္ေတြကို  သိပ္ကိုနား လည္ထားတဲ. ရဲေဘာ္ အကိုအမေတြက ဆက္ေျပာပါလိမ္.မယ္။

ဘယ္သူေတြ ဘယ္လို မွားမွား၊ က်ေနာ္တို.ေတြဖက္ကဆက္လက္ မွန္ကန္ျကမယ္။ ပိုရဲရင္.ၾကမယ္။ငါနဲ.မဆိုင္အသာေလး ျငိမ္ေနလိုက္မယ္ဆိုတဲ. တကိုယ္ေကာင္းစိတ္ေတြကိုေဖ်ာက္ျကရမယ္။ အမွန္တရားဆိုတာ ၂ မ်က္နွာမရွိတဲ.အတြက္ သစၥာ ဦးစီးတဲ. အလုပ္ေတြ ကို ဘယ္လိုအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚရင္ရနိုင္မလဲ ဆိုတာပဲ လက္ေတြ.ဆန္စြာစဥ္းစားထားရမယ္။ မီးလွ့်ံေ တြျကားမွာ ဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ.ရတဲ.၊အိမ္မျပန္နိုင္ေသးတဲ. က်ေနာ္တို. ရခိုင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြ  ကို တခ်က္ပဲနင္းနင္း ၂ခ်က္ပဲနင္းနင္း၊ ျပဳခဲ.သူမွန္သမွ် တိုင္းျပည္ရန္သူပါပဲ။

 ေၿမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမွ အရိုးတြန္သံမ်ား ( အပုိင္း-၁၁-)က စာတေၾကာင္းကို စြဲယူသံုးျပီး က်ေနာ္ ေနာက္ဆံုးတခြန္းပဲေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။  
“ ေပးဆပ္ခဲ့သမွ် အတြက္ ၊ မေမ့ေကာင္းရာအၿဖစ္၊ သစၥာပန္းတစီး” လို. ကိုမင္းကိုႏိုင္ ဆိုခဲ.တယ္။ ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ သူတို. ကို ( ဖိနပ္ေတြ ၾကက္ဥပုတ္ ေတြခဲလံုးေတြနဲ.၀ိုင္းေပါက္မဲ.အစား၊)    ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ လက္ထဲကသစၥာပန္းစီးျကီး နဲ. ၀ိုင္းေပါက္ျကပါ၊ ဒီသစၥာပန္းစီးနဲ.ပဲ သူတို.ကို ၀ိုင္းရုိက္ၾကပါ။ သစၥာပန္းစီးမွာ အားေတြအမ်ားၾကီးပါတယ္ဆိုတာမေမ.ၾကပါနဲ.။

အမွန္တရားျမတ္နိဳးသူ အားလံုး ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ၾကပါေစ။
စိုးမိုး
ျသဂုတ္ ၂၃ ၂၀၁၂

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• Aung PhoneMyint, Min Thit, Lwin Lwin and 16 others like this.
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    Hla T. Minn viper htun aung kyaw, hahaha

    11 hours ago · · 1
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    KoKo Oo

    ေၿမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမွ အရိုးတြန္သံမ်ား ( အပုိင္း-၁၁-)က စာတေၾကာင္းကို စြဲယူသံုးျပီး က်ေနာ္ ေနာက္ဆံုးတခြန္းပဲေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။
    “ ေပးဆပ္ခဲ့သမွ် အတြက္ ၊ မေမ့ေကာင္းရာအၿဖစ္၊ သစၥာပန္းတစီး” လို. ကိုမင္းကိုႏိုင္ ဆိုခဲ.တယ္။ ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္

    းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ သူတို. ကို ( ဖိနပ္ေတြ ၾကက္ဥပုတ္ ေတြခဲလံုးေတြနဲ.၀ိုင္းေပါက္မဲ.အစား၊) ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ လက္ထဲကသစၥာပန္းစီးျကီး နဲ. ၀ိုင္းေပါက္ျကပါ၊ ဒီသစၥာပန္းစီးနဲ.ပဲ သူတို.ကို ၀ိုင္းရုိက္ၾကပါ။ သစၥာပန္းစီးမွာ အားေတြအမ်ားၾကီးပါတယ္ဆိုတာမေမ.ၾကပါနဲ.။

    5 hours ago · · 2
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    KoKo Oo ေဒါက္တာနိုင္ေအာင္၊ မိုးသီး၊ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ တို. ေျခပူးပြဲ၊ သူတို.ကို သစၥာပန္းစီးျကီး နဲ. ၀ိုင္းရုိက္ ၀ိုင္းေပါက္ျကပါ၊

    5 hours ago · · 1
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    Yinmon Mon

    အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ေျပာတာ . ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တြင္တြင္ေအာ္ တြင္တြင္ႀကီးေတာင္းစားလို႔
    အျပင္မွာအားမရ အခုေတာ့ သူတို႔အခ်ိန္ျပည့္ရန္သူဆိုၿပီး ေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရ
    လႊတ္ေတာ္ႀကီးနဲ႔ အမတ္မင္းေတြကို ေျပးကပ္ေတာ့မယ္။ ဒီလူေတြဟာ ကိုယ့္ဘို

    ႔မွ ကိုယ့္ဘို႔ တဘို႔ထဲ
    ၾကည့္တဲ့ႏြားေတြလို႔ ေျပာရင္ လြန္ရာက်အံုးမယ္။ ကိုယ္အသာရရင္ၿပီးေရာ ျပည္သူကိုလည္း ခ်နင္းဖို႔
    ဝန္မေလးေတာ့ဘူး အျပင္က စားခြက္ေပ်ာက္ေတာ့အထဲေျပာင္းၿပီး စားခြက္သစ္ရွာေတာ့မယ္။ နဲနဲမွ
    အရွက္တရားမရွိဘူး ျပည္သူေရွ႔မွာ သူတို႔မို႔ ခုတမ်ိဳးေတာ္ၾကာတမ်ိဳး မ်က္ႏွာေျပာင္တိုက္ရဲတာအံ့ၾသတယ္။
    လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္က ႏြားေတြလည္း အေျပးျပန္ဝင္ေတာ့မယ္။ အရင္က ႏီုင္ေအာင္ကို ဥကၠဌတင္ FDB ဖြဲ႔လို႔
    သူတို႔ေတြ အတူတကြ စားထားၾက လိမ္ထားၾကတာ ေတြပါ အမ်ားသိဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေနၿပီ။

    4 hours ago · · 1
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    Lwin Aung Soe

    အမွန္တရားကို ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ဖံုးဖိ လိမ္လည္ထားလို႔ မရပါဘူး။ ဒါကို ျပည္သူေတြက လက္ခံယံုၾကည္တဲ့အတိုင္း အမွန္တရားေတြကို ရႏိုင္သမွ် တစတစ ေဖာ္ထုတ္လာႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ပြဲမၿပီးေသးပါဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ရင္လည္း အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲရွိရွိ ကိုယ္

    က်င့္တရား မွဲ႔တေပါက္ စြန္းတာနဲ႔ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ တံေတြးခြက္ ပက္လက္ေမ်ာမွာသာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ႏိုးၾကားလာတာနဲ႔အမွ် ခ်င့္ခ်ိန္သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းလည္း အားေကာင္းလာပါတယ္။ ေတာ္ရံုတန္ရံုလည္း မယံုတတ္ၾကေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါကိုေလွ်ာ့တြက္ရင္ေတာ့ ေလွ်ာ့တြက္သူရဲ႕ အမွားပါပဲ။

    2 hours ago · · 1
  • 

    Aung PhoneMyint ‎12-2-1992 ေန.ကိစၥကေတာ့၀င္ခြင့္ျပုသူေတြကာကြယ္ေပးလို့မရပါ။According to law ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။

    50 minutes ago ·

အမမနန္းေစာသို႔ အႏူးအညြတ္ေတာင္းပန္အပ္ပါသည္...။

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by ဘရာဇီး ငွက္ရိုး on Sunday, August 19, 2012 at 11:29am ·

အမမနန္းေစာသို႔ အႏူးအညြတ္ေတာင္းပန္အပ္ပါသည္...။
က်ေနာ္ ဘရာဇီးငွက္ရိုး အမည္ သံုးစြဲျပီး မတ္လ(ေန႔ရက္အတိအက်မမွတ္မိေတာ့ပါ)အတြင္းမွာ အမ မနန္းေစာကို ဂုဏ္အသေရ ညိဳးႏြမ္းေစမဲ့ပို႔စ္ တခုကို ဆင္ျခင္တံု႔တရား အားနည္းစြာနဲ႔ မသမာသူေတြ(တဦးမက) တြန္းအားေပးမႈေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ့္စာမ်က္နွာမွာ တင္ခဲ့မိပါတယ္... က်ေနာ့္၏ မိုက္မဲမႈေၾကာင့္ အမမနန္းေစာ အေပၚမွာ စိတ္ထိခိုက္နစ္နာသြားေစမႈ အားလံုးအတြက္ က်ေနာ္ အႏူးအညြတ္ ေတာင္းပန္အပ္ပါတယ္... ယခုအခါမွာေတာ့ ၄င္း မသမာသူမ်ားက ေအဘီအက္စ္ဒီအက္ဖ္ ေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း(ကခ်င္ေဒသ) ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား မတရားသတ္ျဖတ္ခံရမႈကို အမႈမွန္ေပၚေစေရး လုပ္ကိုင္ေနၾကသူေတြကို ထပ္မံ၍ တိုက္ခိုက္စာမ်ား ေရးသားလာေနပါတယ္... အမ်ားသူငါ က်ေနာ္ကဲ့သို႔ မွားယြင္းမႈ မျဖစ္ရေလေအာင္ သတိေပးတင္ျပရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္... မသမာသူမ်ားအား အမည္ေဖာ္ထုတ္ မေရးသားျခင္းသည္ ေနာက္ေနာင္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္မ်ားအား လမ္းလြဲေစမည့္ တိုက္ခိုက္စာမ်ားကို ေရးတင္ျခင္းမွ ဆင္ျခင္နုိင္ရန္ အတြက္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္... အမမနန္းေစာအား အေသးစိတ္ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားနွင့္တကြ ရွင္းလင္းစာ ေပးပို႔မွာ ျဖစ္ျပီး ယခုပို႔စ္နွင့္ ပတ္သတ္၍ မည္သူ႔ကိုမွ် အေသးစိတ္ရွင္းလင္း မျပနိုင္ျခင္းကိုလည္း နားလည္ေပးၾကပါရန္ ေတာင္းပန္ပါသည္ခင္ဗ်ာ...

ဘရာဇီးငွက္ရိုး

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    Shwelatyar Daw ငွက္ ..အဲဒါဘယ္သူလဲ။တေလာက ဖတ္ရတာ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေက့စ္မွာ ...တမ်ိဳးပဲ။ေသခ်ာနည္းနည္း confirm လုပ္ေလကြာ။ မင္းတို႕ေကာင္ေတြမလြမ္းဘူးလား....။အခုသည္မွာမိုးေတြရြာေနတယ္။

    3 hours ago · · 1
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    ဘရာဇီး ငွက္ရိုး ေရေတြၾကီးေနတာ ျမင္ေတြ႕ရလို႔ စိတ္မေကာင္းပါဘူးအကို...

    3 hours ago ·
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    Ko Lin Wai Aung ေလးစားပါတယ္ ....ကိုဘရာဇီးငွက္ရိုး.....

    2 seconds ago ·

ရန္သူဘယ္သူလဲ?

ရန္သူဘယ္သူလဲ?

by Htun Aung Gyaw on Sunday, August 19, 2012 at 2:21am ·

ရန္သူဘယ္သူလဲ?
ေျမာက္ပိုင္းလူသတ္မွဳၾကီးမွာကိုယ္တိုင္ကိုယ္က်ႏွိပ္စက္ညွင္းပန္းခံရျပီးုလြတ္ေျမာက္လာသူေတြရဲ႕ ခါးသည္း တဲ့အေတြ႔အၾကံဳေတြကိုေဘးကေနကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့သူေတြအေနနဲ႔တကယ္ခံခဲ့ရသူေတြေလာက္နက္ နက္ရွိုင္းရွိဳင္းမခံစားႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာေတာ့ၾကိမ္းေသပါတယ္။
 ေလာကငရဲက်ျပီးရက္ရက္ စက္စက္အသတ္ ခံရသူေတြအတြက္တရားမွ်တမွဳရေအာင္ၾကိဳး စား ေဆာင္ရြက္
မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သူေတြထဲမွာလဲ တကယ္လေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ႏွိပ္စက္ညွင္းပန္းခံရျပီးလြတ္ေျမာက္လာသူေတြပါသလို၊ မတရားမွဳကိုမၾကိဳက္တဲ့လူလူခ်င္းကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာတရားရွိသူမ်ားလည္းပါဝင္ပါတယ္။
ကိုယ္တိုင္အႏွိပ္စက္ခံရျပီးအသက္ေဘးကလြတ္လာသူေတြထဲမွာလဲသူတို႔ခံခဲ့ရတာေတြကိုေမ့လိုက္ျပီးဘဝသစ္ ကိုေလွ်ာက္ေနသူေတြရွိသလို၊ဒီအျဖစ္ကိုမေမ့နိုင္ဘဲမတရားအသတ္ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ရဲေဘာ္ရဲဘက္ေတြရဲ႕ဂုဏ္သေရကို
ဆယ္ဖို႔စိတ္ပိုင္းျဖတ္ထားသူေတြလဲရွိေနပါတယ္။
ဒီလိုအမွန္တရားကိုေဖၚထုတ္ဖို႔ကာယကံရွင္ေတြကက်ိဳးစားေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတာကိုကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာတရားရွိတဲ့လူ
ေတြကလဲတတ္နိုင္တဲ့ဖက္ကဝိုင္းဝန္းပံ့ပိုးကူညီၾကပါတယ္။ဒါေပမဲ့တခ်ိဳ႕ပန္႔ပိုးကူညီသူေတြဟာအားမလိုအား
မရ ျဖစ္လို႔လားဘာမွန္းမသိမၾကာေသးခင္ကာလမွာဒီကိစၥကိုအခက္အခဲၾကားကလုပ္ေနတဲ့ကာယကံရွင္ေတြ
နဲ႔ကိုယ္ထိလက္ေရာက္ဝင္ကူေနသူေတြကိုတိုက္ခိုက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီလုပ္ရပ္ဟာ တကယ္ေတာ့ေရႊခဲကေတာ္ေတာ္မယ္ေဘာ္ကကဲဆိုသလိုျဖစ္ေနေတာ့တာဘဲ၊လက္ေတြ႔လုပ္
ေနသူေတြကိုအခ်ိန္ဆြဲေနတယ္၊ဟန္ေဆာင္ေနတာ၊တကယ္လုပ္ေနတာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊အမႈ႕ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္ဖို႕ၾကိဳး စားေနတယ္၊လက္ဝါးၾကီးအုပ္ထားတယ္ ဘာေတြလုပ္ေနမွန္းလဲမသိဘူး စသည္ျဖင့္ ေဝဖန္တိုက္ ခိုက္မႈ႕ေတြ ကို ေျဗာင္တမ်ိဳးေအာက္လမ္းနည္းနဲ႔တဖံု ျပဳလုပ္လာတာေတြ႔ရေတာ့ ဒီလူေတြဟာတကယ္ျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ကိုေစတ
နာမွန္ စြာနဲ႕အမွန္တကယ္ေဖၚထုတ္ေစခ်င္သူေတြလား? ကိုယ့္စိတ္အလိုမက်တိုင္းစိတ္ဓါတ္ၾကံခိုင္စြာနဲ႔ တစိုက္
မတ္ မတ္လုပ္ေနသူေတြကိုစိတ္ဓါတ္က်ေအာင္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ သူ႔လူကိုယ့္ဘက္သားမ်ားေလလားလို႔သံသယျဖစ္မိ
တယ္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္မိမိကိုယ္ကိုထင္ေပၚေအာင္ လုပ္ျပေနတာလားစဥ္းစားစရာဘဲ။
ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပကအမွန္တရားကိုေဖၚထုတ္ဖို႔ၾကိဳးစားေနတဲ့သူေတြကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုျပန္ေမးရမွာက ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ကိစၥမွာလက္ေတြ႔ငါဘာကိုလုပ္ေပးေနသလဲဆိုတာဘဲ၊ တရားဥပေဒအရလူသတ္တရားခံေတြကိုအေရးယူဖို႔ကိစၥ မွာ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရသြားဖို႔ကိစၥမွာဘယ္လိုအခက္အခဲေတြရွိတယ္ဆိုတာသိနိုင္တဲ့အရည္အခ်င္းရွိဖို႔လိုတယ္၊ ဒီအခက္အခဲေတြကိုေလ့လာစမ္းစစ္ဖို႔မလုပ္ဘဲလုပ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူေတြကိုတိုက္ခိုက္လာတာဟာသေဘာ
ထားမမွန္ဘူး။ တရားခံေတြကိုထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္အေရးယူနိုင္ဖို႔ကိစၥမွာလက္ေတြ႔လုပ္ေနသူေတြကိုအားေပး
ေထာက္ခံဖို႔လိုတယ္၊ေဝဖန္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနဖို႔မဟုတ္ဘူး။
ေနရာတကာမွာကိုယ္မသိတာကိုမသိသလိုမေနဘဲတဆင့္စကားေတြကိုအေျခခံျပီးပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးအရတိုက္ခိုက္လာ  တာေတြ႔လာရတယ္။တကယ္လက္ေတြ႕ၾကၾက ေငြကုန္ေၾကးၾကခံျပီး လူပင္ပန္း စိတ္ပင္ပန္းခံျပီး က်န္ရစ္သူမိ  
သားစုဝင္ေတြနဲ႕ လက္တြဲလုပ္ကိုင္ေနသူေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ဓါတ္ပ်က္ျပားေအာင္ တဆင့္ျခင္းရိုက္ခ်ဳိးေနတာ၊ အျပစ္ တင္ ေဝဖန္ရႈံ႕ခ်ေနတာဟာ ေစတနာမွန္ပါတယ္လို႕ ယူဆရမွာ ခက္ခဲလွပါတယ္။
တကယ္လက္ေတြ႕က်က် စနစ္တက်နဲ႕ က်န္ရစ္သူမိသားစုရဲ႕ေရွ႕မွာ မားမားမတ္မတ္ရပ္တည္ေနသူ၊မတရား 
သျဖင့္ခံစားခဲ့ရျပီး လြတ္ေျမာက္လာသူေတြထဲမွ အမွန္တရားအတြက္ ရဲဝန္႕စြာရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကသူေတြကို ေဆာင္းပါး
ေတြနဲ႕တမ်ဳိး ၊ comment ေတြနဲ႕တဖံု အျပစ္တင္ေဝဖန္ျခင္း တိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္းမ်ားျပဳလုပ္တာဟာ တရားခံမ်ားဘက္မွ အင္အားသာေစလိုေသာျပဳမႈမ်ဳိးသာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီကိစၥအတြက္ဘာေတြလုပ္ေနပါတယ္ဆိုျပီးအားလံုးကိုဖြင့္ခ်ျပရမဲ့အခ်ိန္မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာသိဖို႔လိုတယ္၊ မင္းတို႔ဘာေတြလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာငါတို႔အားလံုးကိုအသိေပးပါဆိုေနသူေတြကိုတခုေတာ့ေမးလိုက္မယ္ ဒီေျမာက္ပိုင္းဂရုမွာအမွန္တရားကိုေဖၚထုတ္ခ်င္တဲ့သူေတြဘဲစုထားတယ္ထင္သလား?
အမွန္တရားေပၚရင္သူတို႔ေက်းဇူးရွင္ေတြဒုကၡေရာက္မွာစိုးလို႔လာစနည္းနာေနတဲ့သူေတြလဲရွိေနတယ္ဆိုတာဘဲ၊
ညီညြတ္ေရးပ်က္ျပားေစမဲ့တိုက္ခိုက္မွဳေတြလုပ္ၾကံမွဳေတြရဲ႕အက်ိဳးဆက္ဟာေျမာက္ပိုင္းကိစၥေဖၚထုတ္ေရးမွာ ဘယ္လိုေကာင္းက်ိဳးကိုမွမေဖၚေဆာင္နိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလူတိုင္းသိနိုင္တဲ့ကိစၥျဖစ္တယ္၊
ဒါျဖင့္ရင္ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလိုတိုက္ခိုက္မွဳေတြျဖစ္လာတာလဲ? တရားခံေတြကိုတရားဥပေဒအရအေရးယူနိုင္မဲ့အေျခအေနလမ္းစပြင့္လာတဲ့အေနအထားမွာဒီလိုတိုက္ခိုက္မွဳ
ေတြဘာေၾကာင့္ေပၚလာရတာလဲ ? စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ၾကပါ ။
ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေက်ာင္းသားသတ္ျဖတ္မႈ႕နဲ႕ပက္သက္ျပီး ေဝဖန္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနသူမ်ားကိုေနာက္ဆံုးအေနနဲ႕ေျပာျခင္
တာကေတာ့ တကယ္ေစတနာအရင္းမွန္နဲ႕အမႈ႕မွန္ေပၚေပါက္ေစလိုရင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ေရွ႕ေနတဦး ထပ္ငွားျပီး
တရားလိုမ်ားနဲ႕ တရားစြဲဆိုႏိုင္ရန္ တိုင္ၾကားခ်က္ဖြင့္ႏိုင္သည္အထိ လက္ေတြ႕က်က်ျပဳလုပ္ေစလိုပါတယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြကအေျပာအေရးနဲ႔တင္မေနဘဲလက္ေတြ႔အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေနတယ္ဆိုတာအားလံုးသိလာတဲ့
တေန႔ေအာက္တန္းက်က်တိုက္ခိုက္ေနသူေတြသူ႔အလိုလိုက်ဆံုးသြားမယ္လို႔လံုးဝယံုၾကည္မိတယ္။
တည္ၾကည္စြာျဖင့္
ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္

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• You, Than Doke, ဘရာဇီး ငွက္ရိုး, Aung Khaing Myint and 25 others like this.
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    Nang Aung Htwe Kyi

    ႏွစ္ ၂၀ မတရားခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္ေတြေစာင့္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ကိုေအာင္မိုးဝင္း နဲ႕ ဆက္သြယ္မႈ႕ရျပီး အမွန္တရားကိုေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ေစတနာသက္ သက္နဲ႕ အားေပးကူညီမႈ႕ ။ စာနာမႈ႕မ်ား က္ို မပျပန္မ်ားအားလံုးကိုယ္စားေက်း ဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။ တရာ

    းရင္ဆိုင္ေရးရဲ႕ လမ္းခုလတ္မွာ အခက္အခဲမ်ားစြာၾကံဳ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ထင္သေလာက္မလြယ္ကူပါဘူး။ အျပစ္တင္ေဝဖန္တာေတြ တိုက္ခိုက္တာေတြ ၾကံဳရပါတယ္။ လုပ္စရာရွိတာေတြ တိတ္ဆိတ္စြာဘဲလုပ္ ေဆာင္ေနခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ တေန႕ တခ်ိန္မွာအေထာက္အထားခိုင္မာစြာနဲ႕ ျပည္ သူေရွ႕ ခ်ျပမွာပါ။ ကိုၾကီးကို ကတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္ ။ ကိုၾကီးရဲ႕ မိခင္ကိုပါထပ္ ဆင့္ကတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တကယ္လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ေနပါတယ္ဆိုတာကလြဲျပီး အေသးစိတ္မေျပာျပႏိုင္ေသးတာ နားလည္မႈ႕နဲ႕ ခြင့္လႊတ္ေပးပါ။

    12 hours ago · · 11
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    Ko Oo လက္ေတြ႔ဟာစိတ္ကူးယဥ္မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ အခက္အခဲရွိတယ္။ ကုိယ္တုိင္ကုိယ္က်လုပ္ေနသူနဲ႔ေဘးကေနျပီးအားမရသူေတြၾကားမွာ မတူညီတဲ့အေျခအေနေတြရွိစျမဲပဲ၊ လက္ရွိျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလည္းေရး လုပ္ေနပါတယ္အစုိးရကေတာင္ ဒီကိစၥကုိလက္လွ်ဴရႈ႔ထားတာကုိၾကည့္ရင္ လက္ေတြ႔တရားစြဲစုိႏိုင္ေရးအခက္အခဲကုိ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္လုိ႔ရႏိုင္ပါတယ္၊ အားမရတာတခုတည္းနဲ႔ ကုိယ့္အခ်င္းခ်င္းျပန္ေဆာ္မဲ့လမ္းကုိမလုိက္မိၾကပါေစနဲ႔

    11 hours ago · · 10
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    Aung Khaing Myint ဘယ္သူေတြကအေျပာအေရးနဲ႔တင္မေနဘဲလက္ေတြ႔အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေနတယ္ဆိုတာအားလံုးသိလာတဲ့
    တေန႔ေအာက္တန္းက်က်တိုက္ခိုက္ေနသူေတြသူ႔အလိုလိုက်ဆံုးသြားမယ္လို႔လံုးဝယံုၾကည္မိတယ္။ရွယ္ခြင့္ျပဳပါ..ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္..http://8888newgenerations.blogspot.ca/2012/08/blog-post_7094.html#links

    

    New Generations: ရန္သူဘယ္သူလဲ?

    ‎8888newgenerations.blogspot.com

    10 hours ago · · 2
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    Tun Wai http://tunwai-states.blogspot.jp/2012/08/blog-post_7830.html

    

    ကိုထြန္းေဝစာမ်က္ႏွာ: ရန္သူဘယ္သူလဲ?

    tunwai-states.blogspot.com

    4 hours ago · · 1

     

    ( Tun Aung Gyaw ေဖ႔စ္ဘြတ္မွကူးယူေဖၚျပပါသည္ )

After 20 years, mother ends silence on ABSDF ordeal

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By Ma Thanegi
Volume 32, No. 638
August 06 - 12, 2012

Daw Myint Myint Kyi at her home in Yangon.
Pic: Ma Thanegi

DAW Myint Myint Kyi, 62, runs a small parikkara (monk utensil) shop out of the front room of her ground floor flat and is a devout Buddhist. It was her strong faith that saw her through 1992: a year of unimaginable terror.
“At times, I even wanted to kill myself,” she told The Myanmar Times in a recent interview. “The only thing that kept me alive was that I knew I must save my son at all costs.”
After 20 years, the story can finally be told.
Her youngest son Bo Bo was involved in the 1988 uprising as a 14-year-old ninth-grader and soon after fled across the border to join the Northern Burma branch of the armed student group, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF-NB), based just inside Myanmar near Sama, a border town with China. The camp was in a Kachin Independence Army-controlled area and inaccessible from the Myanmar side. The only possible route was to cross from Muse to Ruili on the China side of the border in northern Shan State, where supporters and members of the ABSDF lived, and re-enter Myanmar further north with their guidance.
In early 1992, U Maung Maung of Mandalay – an older brother of one of Bo Bo’s colleagues – heard disquieting news about conditions at the ABSDF camp and had managed to visit. (See related story).
He learned that his brother, Nyi Nyi, was among the students that had been accused of being officers of Military Intelligence (MI), arrested and tortured in order to extract confessions. On February 12, 1992, 15 ABSDF (NB) members-turned-prisoners, including Htun Aung Kyaw, a former “chairman” of the group, were executed. In a camp of about 300, more than 100 were accused of working for MI.
Bo Bo, who went across the border at barely 15 years of age, was accused of being an MI captain.
U Maung Maung talked several times about his brother’s situation with Thangyaung, the ABSDF (NB) “chief of staff”, his deputy, Myo Win, and Ronald Aung Naing, the group’s former “general secretary” who became “chairman” after Htun Aung Kyaw was conveniently removed from office.
However, Nyi Nyi was not released so U Maung Maung stubbornly stayed on in the camp.
Finally Myo Win agreed that U Maung Maung’s brother and the other prisoners who had confessed would be released to their parents along with their letters of confession, which were to be delivered by U Maung Maung. If the parents did not come within one month to collect their children the prisoners would be executed.
Six other prisoners, including Bo Bo and a girl, Nan Aung Htwe Kyi, confessed and wrote to their parents; too many of their comrades had died under the brutal torture handed out by ABSDF (NB) leaders.
U Maung Maung went back and made another trip with five mothers and one father; they agreed that it would be less dangerous for women than men. Apart from U Maung Maung and Daw Myint Myint Kyi, there was Daw Khin Hnin Kyi, mother of Nan Aung Htwe Kyi; Daw Than Sein, mother of Ye Lin; Daw Yi Yi Khin, mother of Wunna Zaw; Daw Khin San, mother of Nyi Nyi Aung; and U Aye Naing, father of Kyaw Naing Oo.
The anxious party arrived at camp on the evening of March 19, 1992. Myo Win was conveniently away and Aung Naing, the “chairman”, was in charge. After two days of waiting the parents were allowed to meet their children.
While the other parents were soon hugging their children, Daw Myint Myint Kyi had to wait for more than an hour to see Bo Bo.
“I found out afterwards that they could not find the key to the shackles and had to cut him free … he told me later that when the chains were finally off, he thought he would float away, he felt so light,” she said.
The chains were made of links as thick as a man’s thumb.
When U Maung Maung saw Nyi Nyi on his first trip to the camp, his brother had been wearing blood-encrusted clothing. Perhaps the camp leaders were savvier this time because when Daw Myint Myint Kyi finally saw Bo Bo, he was in a brand new uniform. But, unwashed, the signs of the torture remained: his face was bloated, black and blue with bruises, there was still encrusted blood on his nostrils and ears, and he was barely able to walk after months in shackles.
“Really, I did not recognise him at first,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “His face was so bloated and covered with bruises, his lips pale, his hair scraggly and he was tottering with weakness. He had also grown much taller than the 14-year-old I last saw. I was nonplussed, not sure if it was him, so I took his hand in mine and gently bent his fingers backwards … you see, my son could bend his fingers to touch the back of his hand! When I did that, he knew why and he smiled … and I knew that smile; it was my son.”
She later found out from someone else that fish hooks had been inserted into his nostrils and ears and the lines pulled up so high that he had to stand hours on tiptoe to avoid having his flesh torn off; it was just one of the many inventive torture methods he endured. He never said anything about it to his family after the first time he casually brought it up in conversation because it caused his mother to break down into uncontrollable sobs.
At the sight of their parents, the students broke down in tears and begged to be taken home, asking the parents to “do whatever the camp officers ask then to do”. In the flowing days there was no definite answer from Aung Naing and the parents repeatedly said to him and anyone within earshot that they would not leave without their children.
One day the parents were shown a video of their children being politely interrogated and the accused, wearing good clothing and unchained, immediately confessing to their crimes; it was so obviously a sham and after the show, Aung Naing announced there had been a change of plans and that he was not going to release the children. There was an instant uproar of anger and protests from the parents.
While they were still arguing, Aung Naing’s face brightened. He said that he was sure their children would not want to go back. The parents replied that their children had begged to be taken home at which Aung Naing told them to “ask them again tomorrow and let’s see what they say”.
The next day the parents met their children and predictably they all said they wanted to remain at camp and, with some urgency, kept asking the parents to leave.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi suspected something was amiss.
“I put my arms around Bo Bo’s neck, kissed his cheek and whispered into his ear: did they threaten you? … And he murmured yes.”
Later she found out that Aung Naing had told them he “would not take responsibility for the safety of the parents if they stayed”.
A few days later the parents were shown statements signed by their children that they were MI officers and the parents were made to sign prepared statements saying they knew their children to be MI officers. Before she signed Daw Myint Myint Kyi stared Aung Naing in the face and said: “I am signing this statement only because I am being coerced to do so; my son is not an MI agent.”
Aung Naing said that as Nyi Nyi Aung, Wunna Zaw, and Bo Bo (who had managed to bargain his alleged rank down to sergeant) were non-officers they would be released if the parents came back for them in a few months time.
On April 3 the parents were, for the first time, allowed to meet their children without supervision. Then the stories of the torture and executions came out; those who had not confessed to the accusations were murdered in cold blood. One was Khin Cho Oo, who was gang-raped and spikes driven into her vagina. The torture went on for weeks until Thangyaung threatened to behead her and she grimly replied, “CS, just shoot me in the head.” He did.
The parents, in tears, went home two days later. In June, 55 prisoners escaped and Daw Myint Myint Kyi realised her son would be in greater danger. In September, she and Daw Khin San, the mother of Nyi Nyi Aung, went back again but their attempts to reach the camp were unsuccessful. In March 1993 they went back again and, this time with great difficulty, reached the camp.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi and Daw Khin San asked for the release of their sons, as well as Wunna Zaw, whose mother had begged them to also bring her son home. But Aung Naing still refused to free the boys for some days, giving one excuse after another.
Finally, one morning Aung Naing agreed but said the “paperwork” would not be finished until 5pm. He suggested they stay the night in the camp but the two mothers and three sons left immediately; they were not going to spend one more minute in that hellhole.
“The story needs to be told,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “Our children, over 100 of them, were branded as traitors, tortured and many were massacred. They deserve vindication and justice.”

( MYANMAR TIMES JOURNAL မွကူးယူေဖၚျပပါသည္ )

Book sheds light on student army’s Union Day massacre

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By Ma Thanegi
Volume 32, No. 638
August 06 - 12, 2012

Ronald Aung Naing (right).
Pic: Supplied

A STORY never before told in full hit the stands in May and immediately pierced the hearts of many readers. This book is a detailed account of a man’s journey to save his brother from the unimaginable horrors of a remote camp run by a student army in exile.
After 1988, many students crossed the border to join the newly formed All Burma Students’ Democratic Front. One branch, known as the ABSDF (NB or Northern Burma), was based in Myanmar, just yards from the Chinese border. As is usual with any organisation hurriedly made up of friends and strangers, there were discords and jostling for position.
What set it apart from the usual “office” politics was that more than 100 of the 300 student soldiers of the ABSDF (NB) were accused of being ranking members of Military Intelligence. They were tortured until they confessed or died from their wounds, or executed if no confession was obtained. The “interrogations” took months and the tortures ranged from being nailed to a cross with 5-inch spikes, having hands cut off and having jagged rods shoved into body openings to the day-to-day: beatings, electric shocks and kicks with steel-tipped boots.

Kyundaw Thi Thaw Khit Thit Hintha Koethaung Ponpyin
By Maung Maung
(Shwekaraweik)
Published by Pyi Zone
(YMCA building, Theinbyu Road)
K3000, available direct from the publisher and most major bookshops

The accusers were motivated not by power for its own sake but what comes with it: access to unlimited amounts of funding that were rolling in from all over the world. Their obvious enjoyment at carrying out the cruel torture suggests it helped to assuage their jealousies and inferiority complexes.
Most of the earliest members of the ABSDF (NB) were young men from rural areas and they initially took up the leadership positions. Later, college students arrived and many were the founders or members of student organisations involved in the uprising of 1988. They had more political and administrative experience and international support began flowing in.
The original leaders, who were of rough character and low capabilities, came under heavy criticism from the rank and file and a more democratic approach to leadership was taken. Htun Aung Kyaw, a college student from Mandalay, was a popular choice for the chairman position in the ABSDF (NB). The previous leaders were set aside, and quietly made note of those who were most critical of them. However, in a gesture designed to save face, the new leadership brought some of them back into high-ranking positions, including Thangyaung as chief of staff and Myo Win as his deputy.
In 1991, when a young student was caught running away from the camp, they had their chance: he was tortured and accused of being an MI agent. His accusers suggested names of people who he should also accuse as being spies. By September the boy was dead but they had the list of names they wanted and the purge began. The most envied had the hardest time of it; the torture was not about obtaining the truth, it was about getting the confessions to the alleged crime. Ronald Aung Naing, who had been friends with many of the now-accused since his Mandalay days, remained loyal to Thangyaung and Myo Win.
In early January 1992, Maung Maung, a businessman living in Mandalay, heard from an escapee that his brother, Nyi Nyi, had been arrested and accused of being an MI agent. Following directions given by this ex-ABSDF soldier, he travelled to the camp in mid January.
His account of February 12, 1992 – Union Day – is harrowing. He was left at camp with some guards while the rest went off to celebrate Union Day and describes the strange behaviour of the soldiers as they returned in the evening, with one carrying back a blood-stained sword. He only much later discovered that on that day 15 prisoners, including Htun Aung Kyaw, had been shot, hacked with hoes, or beheaded. These murders were just the tip of the iceberg: the torture was worse.
This book is a heartfelt outpouring about Maung Maung’s first trip to the camp and a second visit in April that he undertook together with five mothers and one father of six other prisoners, one of them a girl.
They could not bring back their children but two months later 55 prisoners, who were out on a work detail, escaped. Before he left in April, Maung Maung met two of them by chance and found out that they believed any ABSDF escapee would be killed as soon as they crossed into Myanmar.
He assured them it was not true and that the only reason he could come to the camp was because a returnee had given him directions and contact information. The boys were understandably glad to receive this news.
He also met Takahito Uezono, a Japanese freelance journalist who was visiting the camp. While he had been ordered not to take photos, he managed to get off some shots of the chained prisoners at work. Realising he was in danger, he jumped on the bus with Maung Maung’s group as they were leaving and safely reached Ruili on the Myanmar-China border. However, it is thought that his hotel room was later broken in to and all his rolls of film destroyed.
Maung Maung is not a professional writer and there is little doubt about the sincerity of his words. Many accounts by others who were among the accused and tortured can be found on the internet in both Burmese and English, including interviews with artist and activist Htein Lin, who now lives in London and was one of the prisoners in the ABSDF (NB) camp.
At present, Thangyaung is serving a life sentence in Tharyarwaddy Prison after his four death sentences – none believed to be related to the massacres he oversaw at the ABSDF (NB) camp – were commuted in a recent amnesty. Ronald Aung Naing is a journalism trainer in Chiang Mai, while Myo Win was killed under mysterious circumstances some time around 1992 but not by his cronies in the ABSDF.

( MYANMAR TIMES JOURNAL မွကူးယူေဖၚျပပါသည္ )

အန္တီေဒၚျမင့္ျမင့္ၾကည္

Khine Khine Saw Lwin

August 11

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အန္တီေဒၚျမင့္ျမင့္ၾကည္

— with ဘရာဇီး ငွက္ရိုး, Ko Lin Wai Aung and Nang Aung Htwe Kyi.

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• You, Philipo Oo, Sein Sein Thu, Soe Lynn and 22 others like this.
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    Nang Aung Htwe Kyi

    lAfter 20 years, mother ends silence on ABSDF ordeal
    ShareBy Ma Thanegi
    Volume 32, No. 638
    August 06 - 12, 2012
    
    

    Daw Myint Myint Kyi at her home in Yangon.
    Pic: Ma ThanegiDAW Myint Myint Kyi, 62, runs a small parikkara (monk utensil) shop out of the front room of her ground floor flat and is a devout Buddhist. It was her strong faith that saw her through 1992: a year of unimaginable terror.
    
    “At times, I even wanted to kill myself,” she told The Myanmar Times in a recent interview. “The only thing that kept me alive was that I knew I must save my son at all costs.”
    
    After 20 years, the story can finally be told.
    
    Her youngest son Bo Bo was involved in the 1988 uprising as a 14-year-old ninth-grader and soon after fled across the border to join the Northern Burma branch of the armed student group, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF-NB), based just inside Myanmar near Sama, a border town with China. The camp was in a Kachin Independence Army-controlled area and inaccessible from the Myanmar side. The only possible route was to cross from Muse to Ruili on the China side of the border in northern Shan State, where supporters and members of the ABSDF lived, and re-enter Myanmar further north with their guidance.
    
    In early 1992, U Maung Maung of Mandalay – an older brother of one of Bo Bo’s colleagues – heard disquieting news about conditions at the ABSDF camp and had managed to visit. (See related story).
    
    He learned that his brother, Nyi Nyi, was among the students that had been accused of being officers of Military Intelligence (MI), arrested and tortured in order to extract confessions. On February 12, 1992, 15 ABSDF (NB) members-turned-prisoners, including Htun Aung Kyaw, a former “chairman” of the group, were executed. In a camp of about 300, more than 100 were accused of working for MI.
    
    Bo Bo, who went across the border at barely 15 years of age, was accused of being an MI captain.
    
    U Maung Maung talked several times about his brother’s situation with Thangyaung, the ABSDF (NB) “chief of staff”, his deputy, Myo Win, and Ronald Aung Naing, the group’s former “general secretary” who became “chairman” after Htun Aung Kyaw was conveniently removed from office.
    
    However, Nyi Nyi was not released so U Maung Maung stubbornly stayed on in the camp.

    August 11 at 11:19pm · · 2
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    Nang Aung Htwe Kyi

    Finally Myo Win agreed that U Maung Maung’s brother and the other prisoners who had confessed would be released to their parents along with their letters of confession, which were to be delivered by U Maung Maung. If the parents did not com

    e within one month to collect their children the prisoners would be executed.
    
    Six other prisoners, including Bo Bo and a girl, Nan Aung Htwe Kyi, confessed and wrote to their parents; too many of their comrades had died under the brutal torture handed out by ABSDF (NB) leaders.
    
    U Maung Maung went back and made another trip with five mothers and one father; they agreed that it would be less dangerous for women than men. Apart from U Maung Maung and Daw Myint Myint Kyi, there was Daw Khin Hnin Kyi, mother of Nan Aung Htwe Kyi; Daw Than Sein, mother of Ye Lin; Daw Yi Yi Khin, mother of Wunna Zaw; Daw Khin San, mother of Nyi Nyi Aung; and U Aye Naing, father of Kyaw Naing Oo.
    
    The anxious party arrived at camp on the evening of March 19, 1992. Myo Win was conveniently away and Aung Naing, the “chairman”, was in charge. After two days of waiting the parents were allowed to meet their children.
    
    While the other parents were soon hugging their children, Daw Myint Myint Kyi had to wait for more than an hour to see Bo Bo.
    
    “I found out afterwards that they could not find the key to the shackles and had to cut him free … he told me later that when the chains were finally off, he thought he would float away, he felt so light,” she said.
    
    The chains were made of links as thick as a man’s thumb.
    
    When U Maung Maung saw Nyi Nyi on his first trip to the camp, his brother had been wearing blood-encrusted clothing. Perhaps the camp leaders were savvier this time because when Daw Myint Myint Kyi finally saw Bo Bo, he was in a brand new uniform. But, unwashed, the signs of the torture remained: his face was bloated, black and blue with bruises, there was still encrusted blood on his nostrils and ears, and he was barely able to walk after months in shackles.
    
    “Really, I did not recognise him at first,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “His face was so bloated and covered with bruises, his lips pale, his hair scraggly and he was tottering with weakness. He had also grown much taller than the 14-year-old I last saw. I was nonplussed, not sure if it was him, so I took his hand in mine and gently bent his fingers backwards … you see, my son could bend his fingers to touch the back of his hand! When I did that, he knew why and he smiled … and I knew that smile; it was my son.”
    
    She later found out from someone else that fish hooks had been inserted into his nostrils and ears and the lines pulled up so high that he had to stand hours on tiptoe to avoid having his flesh torn off; it was just one of the many inventive torture methods he endured. He never said anything about it to his family after the first time he casually brought it up in conversation because it caused his mother to break down into uncontrollable sobs.
    
    At the sight of their parents, the students broke down in tears and begged to be taken home, asking the parents to “do whatever the camp officers ask then to do”. In the flowing days there was no definite answer from Aung Naing and the parents repeatedly said to him and anyone within earshot that they would not leave without their children.
    
    One day the parents were shown a video of their children being politely interrogated and the accused, wearing good clothing and unchained, immediately confessing to their crimes; it was so obviously a sham and after the show, Aung Naing announced there had been a change of plans and that he was not going to release the children. There was an instant uproar of anger and protests from the parents.

    August 11 at 11:22pm · · 2
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    Nang Aung Htwe Kyi

    While they were still arguing, Aung Naing’s face brightened. He said that he was sure their children would not want to go back. The parents replied that their children had begged to be taken home at which Aung Naing told them to “ask them a

    gain tomorrow and let’s see what they say”.
    
    The next day the parents met their children and predictably they all said they wanted to remain at camp and, with some urgency, kept asking the parents to leave.
    
    Daw Myint Myint Kyi suspected something was amiss.
    
    “I put my arms around Bo Bo’s neck, kissed his cheek and whispered into his ear: did they threaten you? … And he murmured yes.”
    
    Later she found out that Aung Naing had told them he “would not take responsibility for the safety of the parents if they stayed”.
    
    A few days later the parents were shown statements signed by their children that they were MI officers and the parents were made to sign prepared statements saying they knew their children to be MI officers. Before she signed Daw Myint Myint Kyi stared Aung Naing in the face and said: “I am signing this statement only because I am being coerced to do so; my son is not an MI agent.”
    
    Aung Naing said that as Nyi Nyi Aung, Wunna Zaw, and Bo Bo (who had managed to bargain his alleged rank down to sergeant) were non-officers they would be released if the parents came back for them in a few months time.
    
    On April 3 the parents were, for the first time, allowed to meet their children without supervision. Then the stories of the torture and executions came out; those who had not confessed to the accusations were murdered in cold blood. One was Khin Cho Oo, who was gang-raped and spikes driven into her vagina. The torture went on for weeks until Thangyaung threatened to behead her and she grimly replied, “CS, just shoot me in the head.” He did.
    
    The parents, in tears, went home two days later. In June, 55 prisoners escaped and Daw Myint Myint Kyi realised her son would be in greater danger. In September, she and Daw Khin San, the mother of Nyi Nyi Aung, went back again but their attempts to reach the camp were unsuccessful. In March 1993 they went back again and, this time with great difficulty, reached the camp.
    
    Daw Myint Myint Kyi and Daw Khin San asked for the release of their sons, as well as Wunna Zaw, whose mother had begged them to also bring her son home. But Aung Naing still refused to free the boys for some days, giving one excuse after another.
    
    Finally, one morning Aung Naing agreed but said the “paperwork” would not be finished until 5pm. He suggested they stay the night in the camp but the two mothers and three sons left immediately; they were not going to spend one more minute in that hellhole.
    
    “The story needs to be told,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “Our children, over 100 of them, were branded as traitors, tortured and many were massacred. They deserve vindication and justice.”

    August 11 at 11:23pm · · 6
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    Nang Aung Htwe Kyi အေပၚက comment အေၾကာင္းအရာေတြက သတင္းစာထဲက ေရးသားခ်က္ေတြကို copy လုပ္ျပီးတင္ထားေပးတာပါ။ က်မေရးတာမဟုတ္ပါ။

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    Htay Tint ကူးသြားျပီ

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    John Kyaw ဘယ္သတင္းစာမွာေဖာ္ျပသလဲ။link ေလးပါေပးပါလားအမ

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    Khine Khine Saw Lwin Myanmar Time မွာပါတာပါ။ August 6- 12 / 2012 ထုတ္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

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    John Kyaw ေက်းဇူးအမ

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